Friday, June 4, 2021

Allium and Iris --the stars of my late May and early June garden

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Late May and early June is allium and iris time. Bearded iris have always been at the top of my list. The fragrance is intoxicating and compensates for their heart-breakingly brief season of bloom and unfortunate vulnerability to Botrytis Rhizome rot. This year I finally gave my Iris what they crave—full sun and good air circulation thanks to well-spaced planting. One of my great sins as a gardener is a tendency to cram too many plants into my garden beds. I’m finally breaking that bad habit.

Last year allium rose to the top of my list of most loved plants. When I returned home from a week in hell at Chestnut Hill hospital for major surgery, my garden never looked so beautiful. I was so happy to be home in my garden with Rick. It was allium time and I think I’ll always associate allium with that magical day.
After the allium and bearded iris have wrought their magic, it’s time for the Siberians.

They are tough, require little coddling and are very effective in a mass planting. The only downside is they have no fragrance, but then you can't have everything in one plant.

Sunday, May 9, 2021

The flowering shrubs of late April and early May.


This is azalea time. My husband Rick told me that a friend of his from France was amazed when he first saw our native azalea with their dense clusters of flowers. Because azaleas are everywhere in the Delaware valley at this time of the year, we may take them for granted. It is amazing that a shrub with such gorgeous, delicate flowers should also be so tough and long-lasting. There are many neglected gardens all over Philadelphia where in the middle of all the weeds we often find a healthy azalea, blooming its heart out.

Azaleas provide the color but the cherry laurel blooming all over my garden provides the powerful musky fragrance.
cherry laurel and pink azalea

Early May is when the tree peonies make their appearance—spectacular flowers that last for only a few days, but despite their heartbreakingly short season of bloom, they are worth a prominent spot in the garden.
Tree Peony

And in early May the late season tulips appear--the most beautifully shaped of all the tulips. My long-lasting Negrita is finally fading but the graceful white Maureen and the cherry-red Yosemite have emerged. For tulips, this has been a very good year!

Friday, May 7, 2021

A Brief History of Philadelphia NOW: The first 50 years


THE EARLY 1970S

Focus on ending discrimination in employment

Philadelphia NOW was officially incorporated as a chapter of the National Organization for Women in 1971 with Mary Lynne Speers, as the chapter’s first president. However, Ernesta Ballard was generally acknowledged to be the founder and the force behind the chapter in the early years. Born in 1920 into a prominent Philadelphia family, Ballard was not the typical founder of a local NOW chapter. Her socialite background and life-long affiliation with the Republican Party notwithstanding, she was a passionate, committed feminist.

One of Philadelphia NOW’s first and most successful actions was challenging the sexist assumptions underlying a local job fair called Operation Native Son, sponsored by the Greater Philadelphia Chamber of Commerce. Once a year, the Chamber of Commerce provided an opportunity for Pennsylvanians attending college outside the state to be interviewed by prospective employers from the Philadelphia area. The program was blatantly discriminatory against women. Thanks to the efforts of Philadelphia NOW the name was changed to Delaware Valley Career Opportunities.

On both national and local levels, NOW in the late 1960s and early 1970s focused on ending discrimination in employment. Among its many victories, NOW fought to end the practice of dividing classified ads into “Help Wanted for Men” and “Help Wanted for Women.”
Ernesta Ballard, founder of Philadelphia NOW

The consciousness raising movement

As the movement broadened in the early 1970s, it drew women who had never before been involved in political activism. Their primary interest was the impact of feminism on their personal lives, and they were drawn to the consciousness-raising groups cropping up everywhere.

Jean Ferson, a skilled organizational builder, was elected the second president of Philadelphia NOW at a time of tremendous growth in the feminist movement. As the movement broadened in the early 1970s, it drew women who had never before been involved in political activism. Their primary interest was the impact of feminism on their personal lives and they were drawn to the consciousness-raising groups cropping up everywhere. Jean Ferson, a psychologist, was in many ways the ideal person to lead the organization in the early 1970s; unlike some NOW activists, Ferson was very receptive to the rapidly growing consciousness-raising movement.

Although Philadelphia NOW has evolved as a multi-issue feminist organization that recognizes the intersection of gender, race/class and sexuality issues, Philadelphia NOW in the early years was focused almost exclusively on women’s rights. The road to becoming an intersectional feminist organization would be a long and rocky one.
Philadelphia NOW’s second President Jean Ferson and Philadelphia Women’s Political Caucus Founder and first President Sharon Wallis

Philadelphia NOW an early champion of lesbian rights

Despite the homophobia associated with Betty Friedan, many local NOW chapters such as Philadelphia NOW were strong supporters of lesbian rights, with Philadelphia NOW as the first chapter in the country to elect an open lesbian Jan Welch as President in 1973. The lesbian feminist movement was growing both in numbers and visibility. The talent and energy of many lesbian feminists was of critical importance in building NOW and the feminist movement in general; NOW’s embrace of lesbian rights contributed to the growth of the lesbian and gay rights movement.
Philadelphia NOW’s third President Jan Welch

THE MID TO LATE 1970S

The battle to integrate Central High; the battle against discrimination in the Philadelphia police department

In the mid-1970s National NOW made combating sexism in schools a top priority, focusing on advocacy for Women’s Studies Programs in high schools and colleges and for expansion of athletic opportunities for girls. NOW chapters across the country took up the crusade; the Philadelphia Chapter was especially active, no doubt because of the many educators among its activist core. The Philadelphia chapter devoted considerable energy to the nine-year battle to integrate Central High.

A major priority for NOW in the middle 1970s was the struggle to desegregate what were for women “non-traditional jobs”—well paid blue collar jobs traditionally held by men. Philadelphia NOW provided strong, sustained support for NOW member Penelope Brace’s battle against discrimination in the Philadelphia Police Department.
Philadelphia’s first female police detective Penelope Brace receiving the City of Sisterly Love Award from Philadelphia NOW on February 15, 1979.

NOW built an organizational structure for the long haul, with national, state, and local affiliates, enabling the group to achieve an impressive number of victories in the early and mid-1970s. NOW’s organizational structure included a mechanism for managing conflict, which enabled it to survive the battles of the mid-1970s, bruised and battered but still standing.

Managing conflict

Throughout 1975, the national organization was roiled by major disagreements about the direction of NOW, culminating in the bitterly fought election at the national NOW convention in Philadelphia in October 1975.

Although what we now call intersectional feminism is often thought to be a movement which began in the 1990s, the concept was central to what was known as the 1975 Majority Caucus led by then national NOW president Karen DeCrow. At the national conference held in Philadelphia in 1975, DeCrow pledged that NOW would use its resources to fight against racism in America, and affirmed: “This is not a white organization.” DeCrow’s determination to “move out of the mainstream and into the revolution” reflected the extent to which the Women’s Liberation Movement and the social justice movements of the 1970s were having an impact on NOW.

Karen DeCrow elected president of NOW at the national conference held in Philadelphia in 1975.

The following year, deep divisions were to emerge in the Philadelphia chapter as well. In many ways the conflicts were the inevitable by-product of NOW’s success—its dramatic growth and increasing ideological diversity. The presence of the Socialist Workers Party was a source of conflict within NOW, both on the national and local level. NOW members focused on what they considered the disruptive tactics of the SWP but not on the ideological challenges. Socialist feminists who entered NOW in the mid-1970s challenged the idea that feminist beliefs trumped over-all political ideology and questioned whether gender equality could be achieved under capitalism.

THE EARLY 1980s

The struggle for gender justice and racial justice

Although by the late 1970s combating racism had become part of national NOW’s core mission, it was not among the priorities of most local NOW chapters. Local chapters expanded through the social networks of the members, and as the members acknowledged, those networks were largely white and middle class. Philadelphia NOW like many chapters at that time, did not see the struggle for racial justice as a feminist issue.

In 1980 Jocelyn Morris formed new chapter in Northwest Philadelphia, Germantown NOW, to focus on the connections between sexism and racism. NOW’s leaders developed an effective safety valve for dealing with potential conflict, allowing members whose priorities differed from those of their local chapter to easily form a new chapter, thus defusing tension while keeping everyone within the big tent of NOW. The core Philadelphia chapter remained focused on the ERA; Philadelphia NOW members who were interested in addressing racial issues either became involved in Pennsylvania NOW or joined Germantown NOW. Although some leaders on the state and national level were championing the cause of racial justice, there were not enough grassroots members who shared this commitment to sustain Germantown NOW which folded soon after Morris moved out of the Philadelphia area.
Jocelyn Morris, founder and first president of Germantown NOW, placing flowers on the grave of lucretia Mott on November 11, 1980, the 100th anniversary of Mott’s death.

The battle for the ERA

Through the mid-1970s the feminist movement achieved victory after victory. The momentum began to stall in the late 1970s, and on June 30, 1982 the feminist movement experienced a major defeat, all the more painful because a decade earlier an easy victory had been expected.

Lillian Ciarrochi,elected president of Philadelphia NOW in 1979, and Doris Pechkurow, elected in 1980, led the Philadelphia chapter in the final years of the struggle. The fight for the ERA convinced many NOW members that they must elect feminists to legislative bodies. The ERA campaign itself became a training ground in the basics of the political process, and in the aftermath of the defeat of the ERA, NOW chapters were building teams of politically savvy members capable of launching a run for political office or providing critical support for feminist candidates.
Lillian Ciarrochi, Philadelphia NOW President, 1979-1980

The mid 1980s through the 1990s

The heady social movement phase of second wave feminism had come to an end, but organized feminism, particularly the feminist service organizations, in some cases grew stronger than ever. NOW had won many victories, although the major prize the ERA eluded them. However, the movement’s glaring weakness—its lack of racial inclusiveness—was not seriously addressed and remains a source of tension.

In the mid 1980s and through the 1990s, the locus of feminist activity shifted to Pennsylvania NOW. This was partially because the struggle for abortion rights was waged primarily on the state level and because of the energy and commitment of Pennsylvania NOW state president Barbara DiTullio. In the late 1990s, DiTullio focused on racial justice issues and organized a Women of Color and Allies Conference held in Philadelphia. The Philadelphia chapter under the leadership of Kathy Miller was involved in planning for and publicizing the conference.

The early 21st century 2001-2009

In 2001 Kathy Miller became president of Pennsylvania NOW and in Philadelphia a diverse new leadership team was elected and served through 2009. The officers during this period were Karen Bojar who served as president Louise Francis who served as treasurer for 8 years. Others who served as officers during this period were: Francesca Alvarado, Cindy Bass, Kathy Black, Tammy Gavitt, Caryn Hunt, Dee Johnson, Doris Pridgen, Vicki Redmond, Marlene Santoyo, and Rosa Woods. For the first time in the history of the chapter half of the officers were women of color. These officers strengthened Philadelphia NOW’s connections with a range of progressive organizations, including the Coalition of Labor Union and the Coalition of Women100 Black Women.

The organization grew with the incorporation of the Philadelphia NOW Education Fund, incorporated as a 501c3 in 2005. PNEF was eligible to receive charitable contributions and foundation grants and sponsored several educational efforts including the very well attended 2006 Women of Color and Allies Conference chaired by Cindy Bass and a Town Hall on Reparations co-sponsored with the Coalition of Labor Union women in 2007. PNEF also sponsored a series of educational workshops encouraging women to become involved in grassroots politics, in particular by running for committeeperson in 2002, again in 2010 and in 2014.

In 2003 Philadelphia NOW established a political action committee which allowed it to endorse candidates and to raise funds to support its endorsed candidates. In addition to the chapter officers who served ex-officio, Gloria Gilman, Sharon Losier and Helen Seitz also served on the political action committee.

Philadelphia NOW’s political involvement also included lobbying campaigns such as the campaign to end the shackling of pregnant prisoners spearheaded by Dee Johnson, who represented Philadelphia NOW on the Anti-Shackling committee of the Working Group to Enhance Services for Incarcerated Women, sponsored by PA Prison society.
Philadelphia NOW President Karen Bojar, Lauren Townsend, award recipient Councilperson Maria Quinones Sanchez, Philadelphia NOW Vice-Presidents Cindy Bass, Rosa Woodxs, and Kathy Black at the 2006 Philadelphia NOW awards ceremony

2010-2020

In 2010 Caryn Hunt became president of Philadelphia NOW. She focused on women’s health issues and fought for improved services for pregnant women, including birthing centers in Philadelphia, a concern she advanced on the state level when she became president of PANOW in 2012.

Terri Falbo became president of Philadelphia NOW in 2012. A union organizer and active member of the Coalition of Labor Union Women, she worked with CLUW president Kathy Black to strengthen ties between NOW and CLUW as both organizations worked to bring Earned Sick Time to Philadelphia Workers.

Nina Ahmad became president of Philadelphia NOW in 2013, the first woman of color and first Asian-American to become president of Philadelphia NOW. She reached out to women of color and especially to the immigrant community Her successful effort to expose blatant sexism in the District Attorney’s office dramatically increased the profile of Philadelphia NOW. She resigned in 2016 to become Deputy Mayor for Public Engagement in the Kenney administration.
Samantha Pierson, Pennsylvania NOW President, 2018-2020; Nina Ahmad, Philadelphia NOW President 2013-2016; Krishna Rami Philadelphia NOW President 2017-2019 at the launch of Nina Ahmad’s campaign for Auditor General, December 11, 2019. Photo Credit, Naroen Chinn.

From 2016 through 2019, Natalie Catin St. Louis, Krishna Rami, and Jenne Ayers served as presidents of Philadelphia NOW. Increasingly young women with demanding jobs and family responsibilities are finding that the chapter model with its high demands on the president is difficult to sustain.

In 2019, Vanessa Fields a recently retired African-American woman with extensive experience in women’s organizations and in the labor movement, was elected as chapter president. Fields organized a widely viewed and highly regarded virtual Town Hall on reparations for slavery held in December 2020.

Vanessa Fields currently serves as Chair of the Philadelphia Commission for Women and has co-developed several program jointly with the Commission for Women.

Vanessa Fields, current president of Philadelphia NOW

NOW’s history has been a long struggle to define what counts as a feminist issue. In the early 1970s NOW defined lesbian rights as a feminist issue; although many NOW chapters were receptive, a minority of members did not see this as a core issue. However, by the late 1970s the vast majority of NOW members were strong supporters of lesbian rights. The struggle to include racial justice as a core feminist issue has taken much longer to resolve and given the recent controversy over racism in NOW there is clearly more work to be done.

Saturday, May 1, 2021

My mid spring flowering trees and shrubs--so beautiful, so fleeting

crabapple

My mid season flowering trees and shrubs are beginning to fade, but in their brief moment of bloom, they were glorious. Last fall my crab apples had some horrible fungus. I was considering chopping them down, but fortunately the tree service I rely on told me to wait and see what would happen in the spring. This spring there was no sign of fungus on the crabapples and they were more beautiful than ever. Thank you arborist Norman Still!
redbud
My most beautiful flowering tree is my beloved redbud. And next year I will have two redbuds. We had to remove a huge tree which was dying and becoming dangerous. There was considerable collateral damage and a huge price tag but the good news is that it opened up a space for planting. The new redbud—a purple leaved variety—will arrive next week.

My all time favorite is my lilac tree. It may be a scraggly nondescript tree and its blossoms last a heartbreakingly short time but the fragrance is spectacular.
lilac

Second only to the lilac in fragrance is the carlesi viburnum and like the lilac, here today and gone tomorrow.
carlesi viburnum

This has been a great year for flowering shrubs and to my surprise for tulips. In the past few years the critters who live in my garden have devoured all my tulips. This year they left some for me.
Negrita tulips and Thalia daffodils

Thursday, April 15, 2021

My early spring daffodils are fading, but the parade of flowering shrubs has begun


My early spring daffodils are fading, but the great joy of the garden is the succession of bloom--some flowers fade and others emerge.

Pieris , with its lily of the valley like flowers, is usually one of the first flowering shrubs to bloom. The flowers may be small, but they are fragrant and long lasting.
Next comes Cornell Pink, a deciduous rhododendron. The flowers are very showy but rarely last more than 5 or 6 days. Unfortunately, you can't get everything in one plant.
Quince has delicate and very beautiful flowers, but the plant is virtually indestructible. It is impossible to kill a quince.
Quince Contorta
Quince is especially beautiful paired with Forsythia which is the queen of my early spring garden.
PJM rhododendron is another tough early spring beauty with gorgeous magenta flowers which unfortunately, like so many early spring blooms, are here today and gone tomorrow.
These early flowering shrubs will soon fade but will be replaced by mid-spring shrubs and trees. It’s the greatest show on earth!

Friday, April 2, 2021

It never really feels like Spring until the Daffodils bloom!

Right now it is peak daffodil time in my garden. It’s too cold to sit out and enjoy the show, but I take a break from my spring cleaning every hour or so and walk around the garden. It’s also peak hellebore time.

Hellebores are amazing flowers. They comeback year after year—-each year bigger and more beautiful. They power through ice and snow and sometimes are in bloom for two months or more. The flowers don’t get hideously ugly when they’ve finished blooming like daffodils often do. Hellebore flowers just quietly fade away.

Then there are the so-called minor bulbs; they may be minor in size but when planted in mass, they sure have a major impact. Right now little blue scilla and chionodoxa are popping up everywhere in my garden.
blue scilla

The hyacinths with their specatacular fragarance are beginning. The most beautiful hyacinth of all, Miss Saigon:

I am so looking forward to next week's warm-up so I can get to the spring clean-up I truly enjoy--the one desperately needed in my garden.

Monday, March 1, 2021

Celebrating Women’s Grassroots Community Activism

From left to right:; Dr. Sheila Waters; Linda Waters Richardson; Nica Waters; Cynthia Waters-Tines; Lesley Fuller.

Feminist activists and historians have long advocated for recognition of women’s unpaid labor. Wages for Housework, an international movement founded in 1974, demanded that women’s domestic labor be recognized and compensated. Feminist economists argued for including women’s unpaid labor in the home in a nation’s GDP, thus ensuring women’s domestic labor would no longer be economically invisible.

Economist Nina Banks takes the concept a step further, arguing that the unpaid community activism performed by women in marginalized communities has economic value. Regarding Black Women, Dr. Banks told a New York Times reporter: “ Not only are we doing paid work for our communities and unpaid work in our households… We are also doing a third layer of community work — we’re exhausted. Recognizing this collective activism as work reveals the extra burden Black and brown women are under.”

Although Banks’ focus is on Black women, her analysis applies to women from a broad range of communities who spend countless hours on home and school organizations; who work as block captains organizing neighborhood cleanups; as community activists demanding that elected officials address issues such as environmental hazards and gun violence; and as committeepeople and poll workers, providing their neighbors with the information they need to participate in the political process.

Banks’ insistence on the economic value of this community work may make some community activists uncomfortable—reinforcing the notion that the worth of one’s work depends on its monetary value. However, calling attention to the economic value of community work helps make this work visible and may encourage more community activists to document their work. There are so many untold stories and so much work to be done documenting the rich history of women’s community activism.

In the course of doing research for my upcoming book, Feminist Organizing across the Generations, I became aware of just how much of this work has not been documented. When interviewing Mt. Airy resident Cynthia Waters-Tines about her work as a social justice in the 1970s, I asked her if she had kept any records of Triple Jeopardy, a group she and her sister Linda Richardson founded. Waters-Tines said that they were so busy, “We just weren’t thinking that much about documenting our work.”

Founded in the early 1970s, Triple Jeopardy was a small collective of five women determined to address issues impacting women of color. Waters-Tines described one of the group’s main accomplishments as “our influence on other women’s organizations that lacked much of a perspective on racial justice issues. We were the original intersectional group.” Triple Jeopardy counseled women on patients’ rights and pregnancy options and advocated for those who had been denied social services. Waters-Tines recalled that Triple Jeopardy helped reinstate benefits for one of its members who had been unfairly denied assistance under the Aid for Dependent Children Program (AFDC) after an argument with her caseworker, who considered her “too snippy.”

Waters-Tines recalled that in June of 1974 this woman had a baby at St. Joseph’s Hospital and after her pregnancy experienced a great deal of pain as a consequence of a pelvic infection that had gone undetected. Waters-Tines reported the woman “was told by a nun that she should shut her mouth. How dare she demand any help, she was on welfare and had no right to expect anything.” Furthermore, she was told that if she did not behave they were going to discharge her. They discharged her early; she challenged them and was readmitted to the hospital.

In response to this treatment, Triple Jeopardy set up a picket line at St. Joseph’s Hospital and distributed leaflets about the hospital’s discrimination against poor people. Waters-Tines reported that the civil disobedience squad came and arrested her, her daughter’s father, and Reggie Schell of the Black Panther Party. As a consequence of the demonstration, St. Joseph’s Hospital was pressured into forming one of the first community boards, which had an impact on hospital policy. Triple Jeopardy was proud of this achievement and of their role helping women navigate the welfare system.

Cynthia Waters-Tines stressed that throughout its relatively brief existence, Triple Jeopardy worked closely with the Pennsylvania Welfare Rights Organization (WRO), led by State Senator Roxanne Jones. When I went through about 20 boxes of the NOW Archives, I was surprised that there was no mention of WRO. This was no surprise to Waters Tines: “In that era we (Black and white feminists organizations) were in separate worlds. We had to make some of these feminist organizations aware of the issue of forced sterilization, which did not affect their members. We had to make these organizations aware of an intersectional approach and a global perspective.”

After a few years, the core group of Triple Jeopardy got full-time jobs, and the group disbanded. Waters-Tines noted that other organizations were beginning to acknowledge their issues: “We influenced organizations like Choice to start bringing in more women of color. In that sense we felt that we did our job. We went to conferences and advised people about what things they should be considering if they wanted to provide services in their communities. There were small gains; we weren’t around long enough to have had a major impact.” However, although difficult to quantify, Triple Jeopardy had an impact. After the group folded, Waters-Tines brought her social justice perspective to her work at Elizabeth Blackwell Health Center where she served as Executive Director Executive from 1990 to 1998.

Waters-Tines came from a family of well-known and highly regarded social justice activists; both she and her sister Linda Richardson made a major contribution to Philadelphia’s racial justice movement and to the local women’s health movement. Sadly, Linda Richardson died on November 2 2020. The sisters’ work with Triple Jeopardy in the 1970s is a compelling example of the unpaid community activism that Nina Banks demonstrated has economic value that must be recognized.

Sunday, January 31, 2021

My first snow drops emerged last week!


I always plant snowdrops near the house. The radiant heat from the house creates a micro climate which encourages early bloom; in some years, I have had snow drops as early as late December. Mid to late January is the usual time and they are always are a welcome lift to my winter-weary spirits.

Thoreau once said, that ‘"It's not what you look at that matters, it's what you see." We have to look and look until we begin to see. I intend this year to really look at all the old friends popping up in my garden.

I had expected that I would do this when I retired. But retirement quickly filled with writing projects and political activism and I sometimes missed what was unfolding in my garden.

Not this year. At this stage in my life, the number of gardening seasons ahead are shrinking and I intend really look at every flower.

Tuesday, December 22, 2020

Nina Ahmad, Brittany Alston, Michael Coard, and Congressman Dwight Evans discuss reparations

This article appeared in the Chestnut Hill Local ”

Philadelphia NOW, Pennsylvania NOW and the Philadelphia Commission for Women sponsored a well-attended Dec. 6 virtual Town Hall on HB 40, which would establish a U.S. congressional commission to study and develop proposals for reparations for African-Americans.

Reparations are sometime seen as a political impossibility, but as Philadelphia NOW President Vanessa Fields stated in her opening remarks, echoing Nelson Mandela: “It always seems impossible until it’s done.” The program began with a brief statement by incoming national NOW president Christian Nunes, who confirmed NOW’s commitment to racial equity. Nunes is the 2nd Black president in NOW’s 54-year history.

Former Philadelphia NOW President Nina Ahmad stated that no other group had endured the brutal treatment and history of unrelenting discrimination experienced by African-Americans. She focused on the experience of slavery for African-American women and argued that the sexual violence and horror of having their children torn away must be part of the discussion about reparations.

Attorney and racial justice activist Michael Coard noted that HR 40 calls for a study and asked: “How can any reasonable person oppose that?” The bill does not call for any specific form of reparations, which might take many forms, including direct payments to individuals, investments in black communities, new zoning practices, educational scholarships, and business loans.

Coard also noted that the debate about reparations recently moved to state capitols. PA Representative Chris Rabb introduced legislation that would award reparations to African American residents of Pennsylvania. Rabb’s bill would include tax and other benefits to eligible residents, not cash disbursements. To qualify, residents would have to provide government documentation verifying their ethnicity as Black/African-American.

Brittany Alston, a Research Director for the Action Center on Race and the Economy, focused on the impact of slavery and racial discrimination on the accumulation of wealth across the generations. She argued for investment in supportive systems, and divestment from institutions harming Black people.

Congressman Dwight Evans noted that in recent years there has been some progress towards passage of HB 40, which was first introduced by the late Rep. John Conyers, D-Mich., in 1989; Conyers introduced it every year until he resigned in 2017. The bill is currently sponsored by Rep. Sheila Jackson Lee, D-Texas, and has 173 co-sponsors to date, four of whom are come from Pennsylvania: Brendan Boyle, Madeleine Dean, Dwight Evans and Mary Gay Scanlon. Evans noted that this year the House Judiciary Committee, for the first time, held a public hearing on reparations for slavery. He noted that also for the first time all the 2020 Democratic candidates for president pledged to sign HB 40 if the bill was passed by Congress. Evans saw some possibility that HB 40 would come up for a vote within the next two years. The prospect for passage has dimmed as the Democrats have lost seats in the House, and control of the Senate is uncertain. But the momentum is there.

Nina Ahmad noted that NOW, with its network of state and local affiliates, is well-positioned to organize its members to lobby their congresspersons to vote for passage of the bill. For more information about the struggle for reparations and the prospects for moving forward, please see further reading and resources, here. A petition in support of H.R.40 is located here.

“By passing H.B. 40, Congress can start a movement toward the national reckoning we need to bridge racial divides,” said Sheila Jackson Lee, the current sponsor of HB 4. “Reparations are ultimately about respect and reconciliation — and the hope that one day, all Americans can walk together toward a more just future.

Monday, November 2, 2020

Why I plan to vote ‘No’ on Ballot Question No.2

This article appeared in the Chestnut Hill Local and The Philadelphia Citizen

Ballot question 2 proposes that “the Philadelphia Home Rule Charter be amended to create the Office of the Victim Advocate to advocate for crime victims and to work with victim-services providers to coordinate, plan, train, educate, and investigate issues relating to crime victims.”

When I first heard about this ballot question, I thought it seemed like a good idea. It was supported by the Mayor, the District Attorney and passed by City Council. The 9th ward committee people voted unanimously for a yes vote.

However, I did have reservations about duplication of services. Many nonprofits and governmental agencies already offer victim services, including the District Attorney’s victim and witness advocacy unit. I wondered if this new office might be just another layer of bureaucracy that the politically well connected could use to provide jobs for their supporters.

Then I received a statement from Reclaim Philadelphia, which made me seriously question my earlier lukewarm support:

From what we’ve witnessed at the state-level, the Office of the Victim Advocate (OVA) has failed to deliver policies that help Black and Brown communities heal from the trauma of gun violence, incarceration, and poverty; instead, it has argued in favor of harsher sentencing laws and against bills that grant parole eligibility to people sentenced to life in prison. Government-sponsored and -funded victim services were started in the 1970-80s as criminal justice turned increasingly toward punishment and vengeance, and since that time they've played a fundamental role in sustaining mass incarceration.”

Furthermore, the office comes with an unspecified cost which raises the question: Is this the best way to direct resources to reform our criminal justice system and end the brutal system of mass incarceration?

But there are deeper questions than the allocation of resources. Criminal acts are committed against the entire community, not just the individual victim. Should victims who are sometimes motivated by an understandable desire for revenge have the opportunity to prevent a prisoner’s parole?

I usually don’t spend so much time mulling over the implications of a ballot question, but this time my husband and I had a long conversation about it as we sat at our kitchen table filling out our ballots. He noted that variations on this debate have been going on for thousands of years. Greek playwright Aeschylus explored the contrast between revenge and justice, in the Oresteia written in 458 BC. The plot consists of one horrific murder after another. The Furies hunt down Orestes for murdering his mother because she had murdered his father for his role in killing their daughter. The cycle of violence is finally broken when Orestes turns to the goddess Athena for help and she responds by setting up a trial with a group of twelve Athenian citizens as jurors. The trial results in a tie, with Athena casting the tie-breaking vote and determining that Orestes will not be killed, thus ending the cycle of violent revenge.

Thousands of years later, revenge is still a major theme in literature and in life. My guess is if anyone harmed my husband or my son, I would want to lock him up and throw away the key. The desire for revenge is something we all can understand, but do we want our judicial system influenced by it? Yes, victims deserve services and support, but I question how much input victims should have in influencing judicial outcomes. Absent safeguards against that, I decided to cast a no vote.

Ballot measures almost always pass, and I expect this one will as well. But my hope is that the organized opposition of groups like Reclaim will have an impact on the mission and operations of the Office of the Victim Advocate if the measure passes.

Saturday, September 19, 2020

Elena Ferrante's The Lying Life of Adults--A Disappointment


I fell in love with Elena Ferrante’s Neapolitan novels and read all four volumes, as well as the earlier novellas, at least three times each. The latest book, The Lying Life of Adults, just doesn’t measure up to the earlier works.

In The Lying Life of Adults there is the familiar Neapolitan setting and the signature Ferrante themes: fractured family ties; the pain of marital infidelity; the psychological costs of upward mobility; the complicated interplay of standard Italian and Neapolitan dialect; the experience of life in a female body; and the torments of adolescent sexuality. One of the pleasures of the novel is encountering Ferrante themes in new guises. However, while in the Neapolitan novels the narrative complexity and dazzling prose saved it from falling into melodrama, The Lying Life of Adults too often descends into soap opera.

It appears most Ferrante fans do not share my assessment of her new novel. From reviews I have read, my response is an outlier. Much more common is Dayna Tortoricia’s rave review in the New York Times which begins with “What a relief it is when an author who has written a masterpiece returns to prove the gift intact.”

I have yet to encounter a seriously negative review, although many generally positive reviews contain caveats about Ferrante’s control of her narrative. From Parul Sehgal’s New York Times review “But it’s also a more vulnerable performance [than her earlier works], less tightly woven and deliberately plotted, even turning uncharacteristically jagged at points as it explores some of the writer’s touchiest preoccupations.”

Judith Thurman in her New Yorker review comes closest in my mind to acknowledging the real weaknesses of The Lying Life of Adults: “Had this been a young writer’s coming-of-age story, one could praise its abundant flashes of brilliance and forgive its excesses. Coming from a master, its puerility is a mystery.” Thurman thinks the novel “has passages of electric dialogue and acute perception. But its crude hinting and telegraphing suggest an author who distrusts her reader’s discernment, and they made me wonder if Ferrante hadn’t drafted the story as a much younger writer, still honing her craft.”

The Lying Life of Adults lacks both the frequently incandescent prose and the fully developed characters of the Neapolitan novels. One of the great strengths of the Neapolitan novels was the creation of complicated characters with conflicting motives and values; to me, these bundles of contradictions were indeed real people. Giovanna, the teenage narrator of The Lying Life of Adults, will not stay with me as a real human being like Elena and Lila in the Neapolitan novels. I will not re-read The Lying Life of Adults over and over again to try to unlock the secrets of the novel. Once was enough.

More like the compressed time frame of the novellas than the sixty-year time span of the Neapolitan novels, The Lying Life of Adults covers four years in the life of the adolescent narrator Giovanna who, unlike Elena and Lila, leads a comfortable middle class life. Elena Greco is the classic striver focused on moving up in the world and escaping the poverty and violence of working class Naples; Giovanna’s family has already made that journey into the educated middle class.

Giovanna over hears her father, upset that she has gotten bad grades in school, remark “she’s getting the face of Vittoria,” his much despised sister. Obsessed with meeting her aunt, Giovanna descends into the lower depths of Naples to meet Vittoria and explore the world her father was desperate to leave behind. As Giovanna is dealing with the turbulence of adolescence, she learns of her father’s infidelity and struggles to cope with her parents’ divorce.

Fifteen year old Giovanna falls madly in love with her friend’s fiancé Roberto, a twenty five year old professor, who is in some ways reminiscent of the Neapolitan novels’ Nino Sarratore—a handsome, intense intellectual, a son of working class Naples who had climbed the class ladder and never looked behind. Unlike Nino, Roberto is deeply religious (albeit in an unconventional way) and retains an attachment for the working class world of his childhood.

Ferrante in the Neapolitan novels brilliantly described the frustrations of adolescent sexuality in the sexually repressed Italian working class culture of the 1950s; in The Lying Life of Adults she describes how those tensions play out in the sexually liberated world of the 1990s educated upper middle class. The novel ends with Giovanna’s sexual initiation with a man she dislikes, a scene reminiscent of Elena’s turning to the much despised Donato Sarratore to lose the burden of her virginity. Ferrante is known for her scenes of bad sex, and The Lying Life of Adults ends with a long drawn-out, clumsily written scene of truly bad sex. It lacks the emotional complexity, irony and occasional sparks of comedy that characterize such scenes in the Neapolitan novels.

An ironic perspective is for the most part missing in The Lying Life of Adults. For example, in the Neapolitan novels, the narrator, the mature Elena, describes her younger self’s comic misunderstanding of what she believed were Nino Sarratore’s overtures to her. Blinded by her own desire for Nino, at first Elena could not see what was unfolding before her eyes. The narrator’s ironic tone is one of the ways Ferrante from time to time reminds the reader that these are the recollections of an older woman viewing her younger self from the vantage point of maturity.

The Lying Life of Adults also lacks the Neapolitan novels’ skillful use of recurrent motifs, which serve to bind together the narrative strands of the novels, such as Elena and Lila’s dolls and Elena’s silver bracelet. The bracelet has become bound up with Elena’s emerging sexuality and the potentially dangerous attention it attracts. Like the dolls, the bracelet reappears at key points in the narrative, accumulating further associations and serving as a symbol of the bonds between women, of the experiences women share. With such recurrent motifs, Ferrante weaves the intricate tapestry of the Neapolitan novels. In The Lying Life of Adults, the bracelet reappears and is used in a similar way to tie together narrative strands, but here the symbolism becomes heavy-handed rather than suggestive.

Unlike the Neapolitan novels, there is little sense of the wider world in which these events occurred. The Lying Life of Adults does have a strong sense of place; we know we are in the geographic space of Naples. However, although the novel is generally thought to take place in the 1990s, we know little of the political events then roiling Italian society. Giovanna’s father refers to “disastrous times” but there is no explanation as to what this means. In the Neapolitan novels Ferrante has skillfully inter-woven the history of the corruption scandals of the early 1990s with the lives of her principal characters, such as Nino Sarratore, who was among the many politicians caught up in the Tangentopoli scandal (sometimes translated as Bribesville), which erupted in Milan in 1992.

If she had wanted to make the connection, Ferrante could have easily linked the lies of her characters in The Lying Life of Adults with the lying politicians desperately trying to cover up unbridled corruption. However, Ferrante in her latest novel is focused on personal relationships/family dynamics and shows little interest in integrating the personal lives of her characters with a fully realized social world. The approach is reminiscent of Ferrante’s novellas, which focus on private life and depict a female character at a crisis point—in this case Giovanna navigating the turbulence of adolescence while her parents’ marriage disintegrates.

In The Lying Life of Adults we have Ferrante’s themes without Ferrante’s astonishing talent. How do we account for this? Judith Thurman has suggested Ferrante had “drafted the story as a much younger writer, still honing her craft.” There may be another explanation. In 2016, journalist Claudio Gatti identified the pseudonymous author as Rome-based translator Anita Raja and speculated that her husband novelist Domenico Starnone might be her collaborator. In Italian literary circles Raja and Starnone had long been identified as the likely authors. To my knowledge there are four separate teams of linguists whose text analysis software concluded that there was a “high probability” that Starnone was the principal author. There will no doubt be linguistic analyses of The Lying Life of Adults; my guess is that Starnone will not be identified as the principal author and this may account for the relative weakness of Ferrante’s latest novel.

When writing In Search of Elena Ferrante ​, I turned to Starnone’s novels for further clues as to his contribution to Ferrante’s novels. In the three of his novels that have been translated into English, (First Execution, Ties, and Trick), I found thematic, structural, and linguistic similarities to Ferrante’s work. First Execution, like the Neapolitan novels, explores the ethical implications of political violence. Ties is strikingly similar to Ferrante’s The Days of Abandonment; both novels begin with a man abandoning his wife and children for a much younger woman, leaving his wife distraught, angry and unwilling to accept her husband’s betrayal.

Daniele Mallarico, the narrator of Trick, like Elena Greco of the Neapolitan novels, longed to escape Naples and his difficult family; like Elena, through education and talent he managed to do so. Several of the details of working class life recalled by Mallarico in Trick are reminiscent of descriptions of Elena’s family struggling to deal with the difficulties of a large family living in a relatively small space. Elena at times speculates on what she might have become if she hadn’t had the strength to leave Naples, and what the far more talented Lila might have become if her family, like Elena’s, had allowed her to continue her education. Similarly, the elderly artist in Trick becomes obsessed with the roads not taken.

These similarities between Starnone’s works and those attributed to Ferrante strengthened the case for his co-authorship. However, I believed that if I could read those of Starnone’s novels that had not been translated into English, I might have an even stronger case. In a recent Atlantic article, Rachel Donadio, who has read Starnone’s works in Italian, provided further evidence for Starnone’s involvement in the works attributed to Ferrante. She analyzed his 2011 novel Autobiografia Erotica di Aristide Gambía, published the same year that My Brilliant Friend appeared in Italian. Donadio describes it as a “dizzying meditation on whether men can convincingly write about women and women about men." “Elena Ferrante” actually appears as a character in Autobiografia Erotica and the narrator, Aristide Gambía, decides he no longer wants to write about aging men: instead he will explore women’s lives, and “the battle … to become a new woman.”6 Both in Autobiografia Erotica as in his novels Trick and Ties, Starnone leaves many clues about his relationship to the fictional Elena Ferrante. It certainly seems like he wants to be found out.

If, as I now believe is most likely, Raja and Starnone are the co-authors of Ferrante’s novels, we have one author who shares the working class Neapolitan background of Ferrante (and her narrator Elena Greco), but not her gender, and the other co-author who shares the gender of Ferrante, but not her working class background. Gatti’s revelations have challenged the belief that there are aspects of the female experience that can only be fully understood and described by a woman writer, and have also challenged the widely held assumption that great literature must be the work of one mind, one visionary genius.

There are allusions to both gender bending and collaborative authorship throughout Ferrante’s work, almost as if she is providing clues to the authorship of her novels. Lila and Elena dream of writing a novel together and Elena credits Lila as the inspiration for much of her writing. What Elena refers to as the “play of shared creation” is a major theme of the Neapolitan novels. In Frantumaglia, Ferrante tells the story of Ariadne, suffering because she believes her lover Theseus has abandoned her on the island of Amathus. In order to console her, the women of Amathus write love letters to her, pretending the letters are from Theseus. Ferrante focused on “the women’s effort to enter the head, the words of a man” and “the women’s collaboration—a true harmonious group project—to feign a man’s psychic and lexical makeup.”

In her many interviews, Ferrante returns again and again to the idea of collaborative authorship and the belief that “a good writer—male or female—can imitate the two sexes with equal effectiveness.” However, despite considerable evidence to the contrary, many of Ferrante’s devoted readers insist that her powerful account of female experience must be solely the work of a woman.

Of course what really matters is the power of the text, not the gender of the author or authors. I had hoped for another extraordinary book from the author[s] writing under the pseudonym of Elena Ferrante, but The Lying Life of Adults lacks the narrative skills and the compelling prose of Ferrante’s earlier works. It is the first Ferrante book I will not re-read.

Monday, September 14, 2020

John Kromer’s Philadelphia Battlefields: A must read for anyone interested in Philadelphia politics

Published in the Chestnut Hill local

“Philadelphia Battlefields: Disruptive Campaigns and Upset Elections in a Changing City” by West Mt. Airy author John Kromer is a must read for anyone interested in Philadelphia politics. Its detailed observations and thoughtful analysis are likely to be of interest to political scientists and historians, and with its clear, jargon-free prose “Philadelphia Battlefields” is accessible to the general reader.

Kromer draws on his extensive experience as city housing director from 1992 to 2001 and as a veteran of numerous political campaigns, including his own run for Sheriff in 2011. He describes his book as primarily a study of what he calls “insurgent” campaigns—“how ambitious individuals succeeded in long odds elections by employing creative campaign strategies…and by understanding the political opportunities available in the social and economic environments in which their campaigns were taking place.”

The book is also the story of the decline of the Philadelphia Democratic Party machine, which has fragmented into competing factions, thus providing opportunities for insurgent campaigns. The party has become increasingly less able to deliver for endorsed candidates in primary elections or to get out the vote in general elections. Kromer complicates this story, noting upsets and internecine battles during periods when the party was supposedly at its strongest, and arguing that even in its weakened condition the party continues to have influence in low-profile races.

“Philadelphia Battlefields” begins with an in-depth analysis of Rebecca Rhynhart’s upset victory in the 2017 city controller race. Her opponent was a two-term incumbent with the solid support of the Democratic Party establishment, yet Rhynhart won decisively. Kromer raises the possibility that her victory was “the first solid evidence that the Democratic Party’s dominant role in Philadelphia politics was finally coming to an end.”

Kromer then turns to the history of the 20th century Democratic Party in Philadelphia, which he argues began with the 1951 election of Joseph Clark as Mayor and Richardson Dilworth as District Attorney, bringing to an end almost a century of Republican Party rule and ushering in an era of municipal reform. However, as Kromer demonstrates, the reforms were undermined by the continuation of one-party rule, with the Democratic machine replacing the Republican machine.

Unlike the municipal reform movement, which did not significantly change the distribution of wealth and power in the city, the Black Political Forum led by Hardy Williams, Wilson Goode and John White Sr. brought about real social change, building a movement for Black political empowerment independent of the Democratic Party. Kromer analyzes the early career of Chaka Fattah, whom he characterizes as a “political entrepreneur” who “developed a creative and effective approach to building power as Philadelphia changed.” In 1982 Fattah built a political campaign for a state house seat drawing on the resources of organizations based in the Black community, and defeated party-endorsed incumbent, Nicholas Pucciarelli. Kromer considers other insurgent candidates (Tom Foglietta, Ed Rendell, Maria Quinines Sanchez) who defeated party- endorsed candidates; all in different ways took advantage of the erosion of the power of the Democratic Party machine.

In addition to analyzing the strategies of successful insurgent candidates, Kromer also profiles several of the civic organizations providing support for their campaigns and educating voters about candidates’ stands on issues. Kromer credits Americans for Democratic Action (ADA) with training nearly 600 volunteers who became the driving force behind the 1951 election of reformers Dilworth and Clark, and for spearheading the Rizzo recall movement in the 1970s.

In his analysis of 21st century politics, Kromer focuses on three organizations: POWER, which provides political education for low-income communities; 3.0, an organization of centrist and liberal Democrats; and Reclaim, a socialist organization that grew out of the 2016 Bernie Sanders campaign. Both Reclaim and 3.0 provided training and support for a new generation of political activists; despite their differences, both groups are committed to transparency and democracy in the ward system, and both were heavily involved in recruiting candidates for the 2018 committeeperson elections.

Kromer analyzes the impact of Reclaim on the second ward, which has become a model of ward transparency and democracy with its carefully drawn bylaws and endorsement procedures. Reclaim member Nikhil Saval was elected ward leader in 2018 and then, in a remarkable upset, Saval defeated a three-term incumbent to win a seat in the PA Senate. “Philadelphia Battlefields” went to press before the victories of Saval and fellow Reclaim member Rick Krajewski, who defeated a 23-year incumbent to win a PA house seat. The victories of Saval and Krajewski differed from the upset victories of most other candidates profiled in the book in that they saw themselves as part of a social movement that had grown out of the Bernie Sanders campaign.

Many young progressives running for office have serious criticisms of the Democratic Party for its lack of transparency/democracy. Kromer poses the question: Is the system the problem? Or is it the people running it? He notes the structure has potential for genuine representative democracy and that most committeepeople “are highly reflective of the community they represent.”

However, Kromer acknowledges that most wards are not democratically run “open wards”; committeepeople do not have the right to vote on endorsements or on ward policies and procedures and there exist no internal party rules protecting the rights of committee people. In this sense, the system is the problem. He notes that it is far easier for resource-rich wards such as the second to operate an open ward than it is for low-income wards. The second ward can afford to forfeit city committee’s financial support in order to endorse its own slate of candidates and can raise its own funds for Election Day materials. This is much more challenging for low-income, low-turnout wards.

Philadelphia’s political system is changing — generationally and demographically. Progressives seeking to reform the ward system have much to learn from Kromer’s thoughtful analysis of the city’s political history and current political landscape.

Sunday, August 16, 2020

Open Wards movement formalizes into city-wide organization



Posted on August 13, 2020 in Chestnut Hill Local By Karen Bojar

In the 2018 committee person elections, a group of newly elected committee people brought their commitment to transparency and democracy to wards across the city. They have now joined together to form a new organization, Open Wards Philly (OWP), described on the group’s website (openwardsphilly.com) as “an effort by both newly elected and veteran committee people, and some of the ward leaders they helped elect, to create a better ward system across Philadelphia.”

The new group was officially launched in July 2020, with a website, an elected steering committee, and bylaws designed to ensure that Open Wards Philly will model the values of democracy and transparency its members want to see in the ward system. Membership is open to any registered voter in the City of Philadelphia who shares Open Wards Philly’s Statement of principles:

These principles are agreed upon in an effort to create a more open, accessible, and democratic political system.
These principles support the agency of committee people, who are the direct representatives of their constituents.
These principles affirm the right of committee people to act in good faith, free from retaliation and the threat of retribution.


The group is non-partisan. However, for all practical purposes Philadelphia is a one-party town, with Democrats greatly outnumbering Republicans and members of minority parties; as a consequence, the overwhelming majority of Open Wards Philly members are Democrats. In the recently held elections for Open Wards Philly’s nine-member steering committee, the group elected six Democratic committeeperson and one Republican committeeperson from wards around the city, as well as one member who is not a committeeperson. The bylaws allow for participation of a limited number of steering committee members who are not elected committeepeople. There is currently one open seat.

Two of these newly elected steering committee members, Michael Swayze and Heather Pierce, are from Mt. Airy’s 22nd ward. “The election of new Committeepeople in 2018 made me realize the keen interest many of us have in the democratic, small “d,” process,” Swayze said. “It is my hope that together we can work to rejuvenate the ward and election process in Philadelphia.” As Cynthia Albrecht, Democratic Committeeperson in the 22nd ward, succinctly put it: “We’re trying to institute ‘good government’ for wards.” Philadelphia’s ward system is on the cusp of change, and Open Wards Philly clearly has a role to play in making the ward system more “small d democratic.”

Prior to 2018, in only five wards did committee people have the right to vote on endorsements, rather than unquestionably accepting endorsements handed down by the ward leader. The number of open wards is slowly expanding; also, in some wards, where the new committee people were too few in number to elect a ward leader committed to running an open ward, they formed an open ward caucus. Such a caucus formed in Mt. Airy’s 22nd Ward. When committee people are again elected in 2022, Open Wards Philly hopes to encourage more people committed to democracy and transparency in the ward system to run for committeeperson and thus expand the number of open wards. Change is coming. The Philadelphia Democratic Party has fragmented into groups of competing factions, and is currently staffed by ward leaders and committee people largely in their 60’s, 70’s, and 80’s. The current configuration cannot last much longer. Open Wards Philly intends to play a role in bringing about much needed change.

Monday, June 15, 2020

Garden Therapy

My wildly overgrown garden

My garden has always been a source of solace, but never more so than this year as I was recovering from major surgery. My week in the hospital was hell and my recovery much slower than I would like. But fortunately I have my wonderful husband and son and the garden.

When I returned home from the hospital the first thing I did was go into my back garden. It was awash in purple alliums and had never looked so beautiful.

Yes it looked wild and neglected, but the flowers were beautiful and the fragrance of Ms. Kim Korean Lilac was intoxicating.

I always felt that the succession of bloom passed too quickly and that I never had the time I needed to really appreciate each flower. I assumed that if I was retired I would be able to savor each moment. However, although I was doing nothing but sitting in the garden, I still felt like it was going much too quickly. The allium was followed by the rush of the Siberian iris, the peonies, the roses, the clematis, the foxglove. Siberian Iris

Violet Shimmer Clematis

David Austin Rose, "Graham Thomas"

Foxglove
Late May and early June is the truly magical time in the garden and I so wish I could replay those weeks.

It’s been hard to resist the urge to work in the garden and possibly jeopardize my recovery. Fortunately when my husband and son see me overdoing what started as some minor weed-pulling, they warn me that if I keep doing this I’ll wind up back in the hospital. That thought is enough to make me sit down.

Friday, June 5, 2020

Voting by mail proves to be a challenge for local voters

Voting by mail proves to be a challenge for local voters
Posted on June 3, 2020 in Chestnut Hill Local

According to the PA Democratic Party, 1.26 million Democrats applied for a mail-in ballot; however, only some 520,000 Republicans did so. The dramatically lower numbers for Republicans probably reflect the mixed messages they have been getting, with the Republican National Committee in April urging Republicans to vote by mail, and Trump continuing to rail against mail-in voting.

Despite the efforts of the PA Democratic Party, for many voters the process has not gone smoothly. I am one of those voters who struggled to get a mail-in ballot. I applied online on May 6. I received an application number and thought everything was okay. I didn’t think about the election for the next few weeks as I became ill and had to undergo major surgery. Political junkie that I am, one of the first things I did when discharged from the hospital was to check on the status of my ballot application. I received the following message: “We are unable to match your information with our records.”

For two days I tried to get through to the phone numbers the Election Board had designated for questions about mail-in ballots. No one picked up the phone. When I finally got through to someone in City Commissioner Lisa Deeley’s office, I learned that my application had been rejected because there was a discrepancy between my name on my driver’s license (Mary Karen) and my name on the voter registration rolls (M. Karen). I further learned that the election Board is not notifying voters if their applications have been rejected. I thought I had this issue resolved and was told by Garrett Dietz, Supervisor of Elections that my application had been approved and my ballot had been mailed on May 22. As of this writing (May 31), my ballot has not been received.

Applying early has not ensured delivery of mail-in ballots. Chestnut Hill committeeperson, Lydia Allen-Berry reported that her “daughter applied for a ballot on March 25th, received confirmation online that her ballot was mailed on May 4th, and she still hasn’t received it. So she’s coming home from DC to vote. Hopefully, she can vote with a provisional ballot.”

My. Airy resident and candidate for Auditor General Nina Ahmad is advocating extending the deadline for the ballots to be received. According to Ahmad: “In order for no one to be disenfranchised, Governor Wolf and the Postmaster General must commit to deliver the ballots to the Board of Elections in all 67 counties and if needed extend the deadline for the ballots to be received. Additionally, there needs to be a much wider communication plan so all voters who will be voting in person know the location of their new polling places and a commitment for every provisional ballot to be counted.”

The process of voting by mail is especially challenging for elderly voters. West Philadelphia committeeperson and Chair of the Philadelphia Commission for Women Vanessa Fields reported that she has given about 200 paper applications to seniors in her division. Fields noted: “I’ve found out that many elders have arthritis in their hands and impaired vision and cannot see the return address on the application. Therefore, I’m providing them with a stamped, addressed envelope to mail off the application. However, I’m concerned about their ability to follow the directions with completing the ballots once receiving them in the mail. The directions can be a little tricky. Once filling out the ballot, you have to put it in a secure envelope and then the mailing envelope. I have a video demonstrating how to complete the ballot, but many seniors don’t have an internet connection.”

Mt. Airy Resident and 9th ward committeeperson Lisa Holgash reported similar experiences: “I set up house visits with two people in my division who needed assistance because they did not have access to the internet. I have another person in my division who was sent 5 ballot applications but no return envelope.” Holgash further noted that the “technological divide in the City has been exacerbated by COVID-19.”

Vanessa Fields and Lisa Holgash are exceptionally dedicated committeepeople, but there are not enough committeepeople like them to fill the need for assistance.

I expected some glitches, given that this was the first time mail-in ballots were used on this scale, but never expected anything like this. The good news is that we have five months to fix these problems before the general election in November. There are a few remedies that everyone I spoke to agrees on:

1) Ballots should be returned postmarked by a specific date, not returned before a specific date. An individual voter is in control of when her ballot is postmarked, but when she drops off her ballot at a post office she has no control over, how long it will take for her ballot to be received.

2) All voters whose applications for a mail-in ballot were not accepted should be notified immediately that their application was rejected.

3) The time frame between the final date to apply for a mail-in ballot (May 26) and the date by when it must be received (June 2) is much too tight. Currently there are four lawsuits, one in Montgomery and one in Bucks County asking local courts to extend mail ballot deadlines in their counties and two lawsuits before the Pennsylvania Supreme Court to give voters statewide an extra week to return ballots. As of this writing, there have been no court rulings. (Last week, Gov. Tom Wolf extended the deadline for ballot reception to June 9 in Philadelphia, Montgomery and four other counties.)

Voters who have experienced or witnessed barriers to participation should report them to citizen watchdog organizations such as the Committee of Seventy. We must address these issues before the critically important November election.

Karen Bojar is an author and former Democratic committee person. She lives in Mt. Airy.